Planned Parenthood seeks to protect itself from legal risks—but at what cost to patients and independent abortion providers?
Fuller’s leaked e-mail went viral on Twitter, and, in the weeks that followed, Smith and Weems repeatedly conveyed how upset they were. “We are failing our patients, the ones that need us the most,” Weems wrote in an e-mail urging Fuller to reconsider the policy. After a month or so, Fuller gave a television interview announcing that Planned Parenthood of Montana had reassessed the legal landscape and was reversing its decision: it would offer medication abortion to patients from other states.
Planned Parenthood’s motto is “Care. No matter what.” These words suggest an uncompromising commitment to serving patients. Yet some pro-choice advocates feel that the group, along with other large organizations that have shaped the modern abortion-rights movement, has lately seemed more focussed on self-preservation than on taking bold risks.
Saporta, the former president of the National Abortion Federation, worked closely with Planned Parenthood during these years, training providers to do medication abortions and, later, dispensing “justice funds”—financial assistance for abortion care. At the time, she said, Planned Parenthood “couldn’t have been a better partner,” even though its activism made it a prime target of the right, fuelling attacks on affiliates and leading Republicans to try to cut off funding to the organization.
Johnston was among the founders of the Abortion Care Network, an association of independent clinics. Such clinics provided most of the abortion services in America, as they still do, but over time, because of the violence they faced, fewer and fewer doctors were willing to work at them or to integrate abortion into their practices. Between 1982 and 2000, the number of clinics declined by more than thirty per cent.
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