McKinsey’s influence in developing federal policy has mushroomed
for its role in promoting opioid sales. But the Barton years were boom years for the company, as it took on police states as clients, from Xi Jinping’s military-industrial complex to the disgraced pro-Moscow Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich, ousted in Ukraine’s 2014 Revolution of Dignity. It was a profitable business model. McKinsey doubled its revenue to $10.5 billion annually.
Barton came to the post as McKinsey’s global managing partner after several years as the firm’s head of operations in China, where McKinsey’s scores of clients including the state-owned giants involved in building military islands in the South China Sea, at the same time as it was hauling in hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts with the U.S. Defence Department.
If the Opposition is serious about digging into McKinsey’s relationship with the Trudeau Liberals they’re going to have to go back a long way, back to the days before Trudeau was even his party’s leader in the House of Commons.
Among the advisory council’s main policy proposals adopted by cabinet — boost annual immigration targets to 500,000 a year. Another free McKinsey idea was the $35 billion Singapore-style Canada Infrastructure Bank, most notable for its refusal to answer Parliament’s questions about bonuses paid to its executives.
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