The pope’s declared opponents have redoubled their attacks on him for being too compliant with wordly authorities
FROM DEAGU in South Korea to Qom in Iran, Mulhouse in France and Sacramento in California, places of collective worship have often been accelerators of coronavirus contagion. Months later, with lockdowns starting to ease in the rich world, some religious groups have been loudly demanding a return to normality, and complaining that their needs have been forgotten.
Covid-19 has exacerbated not only tension between churches and states, but also disagreements between different religious tendencies. Religious figures have denounced one another, either for being too reckless or for being too meekly compliant with government orders. The fault-line does not neatly separate religions; it often divides denominations. Take the split in Catholic ranks. In his response to the pandemic, Pope Francis reaffirmed his preference for the more humanitarian camp by establishing a high-level panel to advise not just on the disease itself but also on the challenges that will follow: unemployment, strained welfare budgets, the need for new definitions of economic value.
In some European countries, observers have seen a subtle Christian influence in policy responses to the virus, always working with the grain of the liberal state, not against it. In Germany, for example, theologians have taken part in a commission that pondered how to allocate medical resources in an acute crisis: it concluded that a person’s ability to recover—but not age itself—should be a criterion.
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