The historian mkazin discusses the problem of “moral capitalism” and the uneasy alliances at the heart of the Democrats’ economic movement.
.” Kazin’s comprehensive narrative spans the Party’s nearly two-hundred-year existence, but he pays particular attention to internal battles over race and workers’ rights, and how this infighting has posed challenges to, alternately, the Party’s unity and conscience. The book arrives at a notable time for Democrats, too.
I think there’s a reason why Democrats, historically, have seen continuity between the founding years and today. Also, it’s probably controversial for some people, but there is a common strand of rhetoric that Democrats have used, really, since Jefferson, but especially since Jackson—that they’re the party of the ordinary man, or the ordinary person. At first, it was only white people, of course, but, in some cases, by the middle of the twentieth century, it included people of all races.
How much do you think that the modern Democratic Party as we think of it today is still defined by that period of F.D.R., both in terms of its successes and compromises? Yes, and, if not for the role of the Republican Party in the Civil War, the process would probably have happened more quickly, right?
The problem is that the industrial unions leading that growth—auto workers, steel workers, electrical workers, and many others—were working for big corporations. When they signed contracts at big corporations, they, in effect, said, “Look, we are happy to make these agreements with you. These unions are going to enable our members to have something like a middle-class life style,” which most wage earners in all of American history had not been able to have before this point.
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