Newly released documents show how Amazon wields its power to prevent organizing, not just among its own employees, but among the increasingly large workforce…
Amazon takes great pains to paint itself as distinct from the companies that deliver its products. In one exhibit, a document intended for Amazon employees distinguishes between Amazon’s own responsibilities and those of the contracted delivery companies when it comes to managing drivers. “Use correct terminology when describing AMZL’s relationship with DSPs,” the document reads. Amazon “‘engages’” DSPs to “provide transportation services.
Vanisha Sukdeo, who teaches labour law at Osgoode Hall Law School and corporate governance at Toronto’s York University, described the test used to determine whether a worker is a contractor or an employee. “It looks at factors like does the employer supervise the work, do they decide the hours of work, do they decide where the work is done, do they provide the tools, are they the only client?” she said.
Doug Finnson, vice-president of Teamsters Canada, said that firing union supporters can be an effective tactic, with union-busting propelling the revolving door of drivers through Amazon’s warehouses. Indeed, documents submitted as evidence in the OLRB case show a staggering turnover rate at delivery companies that Amazon contracts: over a six month-period, a typical DSP will have 100 per cent of its staff leave, the files show.
Less than a year into delivering exclusively for Amazon, DEC was having trouble with its workers. In June 2017, drivers began talking about forming a union. They were concerned with their long hours and erratic schedules and wanted to be able to negotiate better terms with their employer. To deal with Amazon’s constantly fluctuating demand for delivery, Montgomery said his company hired several contract drivers to buffer its fleet of full-time couriers.
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